U.S. Army HIV awareness graphic.

A federal judge has ruled that the U.S. military cannot bar HIV-positive people whose virus is undetectable from serving in the armed forces[1].

In an opinion released Tuesday in the case Wilkins v. Austin, U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema said that, given changes in treatment and previous rulings that allow service members with HIV to stay in the military or deploy, the Defense Department failed to provide evidence that supports its argument that these potential recruits would be a financial, medical or operational burden.

"Modern science has transformed the treatment of HIV, and this court has already ruled that asymptomatic HIV-positive service members with undetectable viral loads who maintain treatment are capable of performing all of their military duties, including worldwide deployment[2]," Brinkema wrote in a 38-page opinion in the Eastern District Court of Virginia.

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The case was brought by Isaiah Wilkins and two other HIV-positive plaintiffs who were seeking to enlist or rejoin the military but were prohibited based on their health conditions. Wilkins, a member of the Georgia National Guard[4], wanted to enlist in the Army[5] Reserve but found out he was HIV-positive during the process.

In a statement issued Tuesday through Lambda Legal, a group that provides legal defense for challenges to LGBTQ+ rights, Wilkins said the ruling was not only a victory for him but for all HIV-positive people who want to serve.

"As I've said before, giving up on my dream to serve my country was never an option. I am eager to apply to enlist in the Army without the threat of a crippling discriminatory policy," Wilkins said.

Brinkema is the same judge who ruled in 2022 that the military could not deny commissions to HIV-positive service members[6] who sought to become officers or discharge those with HIV.

The cases included two airmen facing discharge as a result of their HIV-positive status and an Army National Guard[7] soldier who deployed to Afghanistan and Kuwait while in law school and wanted to become a member of the Army Judge Advocate General Corps.

Shortly after Brinkema released her 2022 opinion, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin issued a memo[8] to commanders saying they no longer would be allowed to involuntarily separate troops with asymptomatic HIV; restrict them from deploying; or prevent enlisted personnel, cadets or midshipmen with HIV from seeking a commission as an officer.

Improvements in antiretroviral therapy have made it possible for patients with the virus to keep their viral loads to low or undetectable levels. At such amounts, HIV-positive persons don't transmit the virus through sex or needle sharing, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and it cannot be spread through saliva, tears or sweat.

A major concern for the Defense Department and military service members regarding serving alongside those with HIV is contact with blood following a traumatic injury or a needle stick.

Brinkema said the concern is "unsupported by the evidence in the record." She added that the case cited by the DoD in supporting this argument is nearly 30 years old and "based on medical science that has changed dramatically."

"Defendant's policies prohibiting the accession of asymptomatic HIV-positive individuals with undetectable viral loads into the military are irrational, arbitrary and capricious," Brinkema wrote. "Even worse, they contribute to the ongoing stigma surrounding HIV-positive individuals while actively hampering the military's own recruitment[9] goals."

From 2018 to 2023, roughly 7 million service members, including the active duty, Guard and reserve, were tested for HIV, and 1,502 tested positive, according to the Defense Health Agency's September 2023 Medical Surveillance Monthly Report.

The majority were men, with just 39 women testing positive. The Army had the highest rate of positive tests, followed by the Air Force[10], Navy[11], Coast Guard[12] and Marine Corps[13]. The Space Force[14] was not included as a separate service for reporting purposes at the time.

The Justice Department can appeal Brinkema's ruling to a higher-level court but did not appeal her 2022 ruling. In an email Friday, a Justice Department official declined to comment and said the department was not able to share any appeals plans.

Related: Airmen on HIV Drug Can Return to Flight Sooner After Change Championed by LGBTQ+ Advisory Group[15]

© Copyright 2024 Military.com. All rights reserved. This article may not be republished, rebroadcast, rewritten or otherwise distributed without written permission. To reprint or license this article or any content from Military.com, please submit your request here[16].

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Trident Pier operations briefing in the Port of Ashdod, Israel

Following the seemingly bungled Army[1] mission establishing a pier off the Gaza Strip to deliver aid to the region, the Pentagon's internal watchdog has launched an investigation into the service's capabilities to conduct such a mission.

The Department of Defense's Office of Inspector General earlier this month announced that it's investigating how the military runs so-called Joint Logistics Over-the-Shore, or JLOTS, operations -- in which troops construct piers either to deliver goods or personnel in places with limited infrastructure.

The Gaza Strip mission was mostly run by the Army's 7th Transportation Brigade, which encompasses much of the service's watercraft -- dubbed "the Army's Navy." But that unit, its tactics and equipment have long been an afterthought of the land service, especially coming off the heels of the landlocked post-9/11 wars.

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The watchdog said that it wants to evaluate the Pentagon's "capabilities to effectively carry out Joint Logistics Over-the-Shore (JLOTS) operations and exercises" in a letter dated Aug. 5[3].

The Defense Department inspector general also noted that the investigation "is separate from and in addition to" its ongoing review "examining the DoD's involvement in facilitating the delivery of humanitarian aid to Gaza through the maritime corridor."

A Military.com investigation[4] found that the Army's watercraft elements may not have been ready for prime time. The capability, which had lingered in obscurity for half a century, was suddenly tasked with one of the Pentagon's highest-profile missions in years.

The Gaza mission not only stress-tested a unit that had little real world experience, but also served as a pseudo test bed for how the Army may operate in the Pacific if a war with China ever breaks out. In a potential conflict, Army planners are anticipating a war could involve a complex island-hopping campaign akin to the fight against the Japanese during World War II. That campaign would push Army logistics to their limit, and could see watercraft units serve at the tip of the spear, moving troops into combat and carrying critical supplies to the front lines under fire.

The move for a deeper and official look at JLOTS comes after months of questions and coverage of the system's shortcomings in the mission to deliver aid to the starving people of Gaza, as well as questions and reports about the state of its equipment -- namely its boats.

Several experts and former community insiders told Military.com earlier this month that the system, while capable, has suffered from funding shortfalls throughout the 20 years of the Global War on Terror.

The Army's boats that serve to maneuver parts of the system and materials are old. Some even have engines that say they were built in "West Germany," according to a now-retired Army warrant officer who served on the vessels.

While the Pentagon has not offered any details on whether the ships suffered breakdowns or issues while conducting the Gaza mission, publicly available tracking data showed that at least one ship encountered problems early on.

Shortly after the fleet of ships carrying all the equipment for the mission set off from the East Coast of the U.S. in April, one of the small Army vessels was held up in Tenerife -- a small island that is part of the Canary Islands cluster off the west coast of Africa -- leading to concerns about the readiness of the Army's fleet[5].

However, while there seem to be few questions that the JLOTS craft have not been maintained to the best possible standard, experts have argued that the several public halts in Gaza aid operations due to weather conditions were not reflective of the system's readiness.

Dr. Salvatore Mercogliano, a maritime historian and former merchant mariner who worked with JLOTS during the 1990s, told Military.com in a previous interview that the choice to keep U.S. troops from stepping foot in Gaza made the mission far more challenging.

"That really makes it difficult to do because you would have other methods to land cargo beyond just the Trident pier," Mercogliano said, referring to the pier connected to the Gaza shore that ended up breaking loose in rough seas and then being removed for the same reason three times[6].

"You'd be able to bring watercraft right to the beach -- you'd be able to do just a variety of different things," he added.

Despite the issues, Pentagon officials have regularly stressed[7] that the pier was able to deliver some 20 millions pounds of aid -- food that would have otherwise not have been able to be delivered to the war-torn region. At one point, the pier ended up providing the second-highest volume of aid[8] from any entry point into Gaza.

Related: As the Gaza Pier Is Packed Up, Experts Worry About What It Portends for a War in the Pacific[9]

© Copyright 2024 Military.com. All rights reserved. This article may not be republished, rebroadcast, rewritten or otherwise distributed without written permission. To reprint or license this article or any content from Military.com, please submit your request here[10].

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